Irish officials have detected a growing Russian maritime presence near Ireland, including shadow-fleet vessels crossing the North Atlantic and the spy ship Yantar’s activity in Irish waters. The developments have renewed concern about the country’s ability to protect its seas and critical infrastructure.
The issue has become more urgent as Ireland begins a six-month presidency of the Council of the EU, with security and infrastructure protection among its stated priorities. Foreign Minister Helen McEntee has said Ireland is not immune to threats, signalling a shift away from the long-held assumption that geography provides sufficient protection.
Russian activity brings Ireland’s maritime exposure into focus
The Yantar, presented as a research vessel, is believed to be capable of placing surveillance equipment near undersea cables. While operating in the Irish Sea in 2024, it stayed above a gas pipeline linking Ireland and the UK and switched on its transponder, publicly indicating its proximity to important infrastructure.
Irish authorities have also recently observed more Russian shadow-fleet ships using the North Atlantic to avoid waters near Britain and France, where monitoring and restrictions have increased. The vessels are part of a wider security concern in an area crowded with commercial shipping, energy links and communications infrastructure.
Ireland’s exclusive economic zone extends 200 nautical miles from its coast and is seven times larger than the country’s land area. Nearly three-quarters of transatlantic subsea cables pass through or close to that zone, helping support the technology industry that has made Ireland a European base for major US companies. The scale of that network makes maritime surveillance an economic issue as well as a defence concern.
Dublin sets out a new maritime strategy
In February, McEntee published Ireland’s first maritime strategy, intended to address what the government calls “sea blindness”: a tendency to treat national security as primarily a land-based issue. The plan commits Ireland to defending its maritime domain, including critical undersea infrastructure.
The strategy comes as Ireland takes a more active role in European security discussions while maintaining its policy of military neutrality. During the EU presidency, the government says it will work with other countries on protecting critical infrastructure and broader security objectives.
Retired naval officer Caoimhín Mac Unfraidh described the strategy as a positive step but said Ireland still needed a broader plan, new ships and capabilities, more recruitment and additional bases. He noted that the country had relied on the goodwill of neighbouring states, warning that such support could not be assumed permanently.
Military capacity remains limited despite higher funding
Ireland’s ability to respond at sea is constrained by the condition and size of its naval service. Three vessels, including the LÉ Orla and LÉ Eithne, were decommissioned in 2022. In 2025, the government confirmed that only two of the fleet’s eight ships were operational, partly because of a staffing crisis.
The government says investment is now increasing. It has pledged €1.7bn in defence capital spending between 2026 and 2030, a 55% rise from the previous period. Officials also point to a 12% increase in naval personnel in 2025, which they say reflects improved recruitment.
Even with those changes, Ireland remains the EU’s lowest defence spender. Defence accounted for 0.2% of gross domestic product in 2024, compared with an EU average of 1.3% and 0.6% in neutral Austria. Ireland’s limited capacity was also highlighted when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy rejected Dublin’s offer of 27 light-armoured vehicles because restoring them would cost more than their value.
Domestic politics make defence a difficult priority
European officials have warned that Ireland’s maritime responsibilities affect the security of the wider region. Former European Commission vice-president Margrethe Vestager said in 2022 that no country should become the weak link in Europe’s protection chain. Former Estonian president Toomas Hendrik Ilves later criticised Irish resistance to higher defence spending in response to Russia.
Defence has traditionally generated little political reward in Ireland. Eoin McNamara of the Finnish Institute of International Affairs said national security was divisive and did not attract many votes. Ireland’s history also shaped its caution: independence came in 1922, British control of Irish waters ended in 1938, and the country did not have a fully fledged navy until 1946.
Public priorities remain focused on living costs, housing and immigration. A recent More in Common poll found that only 5% of respondents identified the war in Ukraine as a leading concern and 4% cited defence. The unresolved question for Dublin is whether its new spending and maritime strategy can close the capability gap before disruption to undersea energy or internet links turns the security risk into an economic crisis.
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